Festering and Figleaves

Nothing has moved since the summer began, which does not mean that nothing has changed during the six weeks of villeggiatura. Festering requires stillness to develop florid fullness (and foulness). The extent of corruption in our democracy is now breathtaking. What began with the sequestration of a sitting prime minister's parliamentary majority by coup, and continued with a refusal to face any kind of electoral validation either of Party or national electorate, produced a wholly improper Executive as well as Prime Minister. Appointed to ministerial power by an invalid holder of office, all of the current government have been acting outside of formerly accepted practice when exercising the powers of their office.

Only in an underdetermined constitutional system, blighted further by lack of any system of validation other than the purely ceremonial, and offering no system of redress against the arbitrary seizure and use of state power, could such a democratic demolition have taken place without a democratic outcry. It doesn't look, superficially, as if anything bad, other than a slipshod attitude within a political party to the transfer of Leadership, and an act of cowardice in gaining democratic consent to the Leader's assumption of the prime ministership, has really taken place. And, anyway, if it has it will all be put right in the next few months. It is frightening that assent to what has happened, even its denial - though this is now less widespread, and the manner of Brown's accession to power has been widely dissected and condemned - or, most prevalent of all, lack of awareness or of interest, that this assent has been guaranteed by the assurance of its very temporariness. The assent is vaunted even, by New Labour apologists, as an indication that there has been no impropriety. In truth the whole Executive, which is now on its second renewal and remote from any contact with democratic choice, is irremovable from office, and, more importantly, opaque in its agenda while it is answerable to no one.

The perception that Brown is superceded, already far from power but sustained, stumbling and incoherent, through the results of his years of Treasury incompetence, is widespread also. We are now at the third generation of dictatorial governance (for Blair could not have been forced to concede office without his connivance in the ushering-in of administrative, post-democratic rule, even if that connivance was extracted by threat as much as by promise of high office elsewhere). There are few in England who are not recipients of some income administered by the government; over a third of those employed are employed on government wages. That is a large vested interest in not being interested.

The greatest shift in the way we are governed (regardless of the interference from European Union membership) has now been effected. There remains the removal of the last constitutional provision that has been used, up to now, as a tranquilizer for the unease of any not bought and paid for. For those who subscribe actively to post democratic ideologies (and they are always with us as they have been since the 19th century democratic embrace of all advanced capitalist countries, we've fought wars against them) all of this is to be applauded and assisted. How, then, is the expectation of a general election in the coming months that will remove the head of the Project from the shoulders of its support systems, to be avoided or subverted?

First is the preservation of the status quo, what might be thought of as the festering: bad as things are throughout the world the job is being got on with to preserve things as they are and restore gross consumerism. Second is threat and example of what happens to any kind of public or private protest: go out on the streets andd face incredible levels of peacetime violence; withdraw affermation of the current regime, particularly in its local and regional expression, and lose promotion, and then your job. Third is the partial withdrawal or denial of monopoly public services, and most people are not well to do enough to pay for what they have been forced to pay for already, but just watch if a public service dispenser is challenged. Fourth, as final days grow close, will be manufactured crisis; not as some have feared, a violent or life-threatening crisis, but a crisis that is part of the ending of democracy. A constitutional crisis that requires resolution before plunging the country into the political 'turmoil' of a general election. A crisis that is part of what has already happened. The best bet is a crisis over the propriety of an hereditary head of state.

There are attractions in this: all the festering arrangements apply - lack of interest bolstered by self interest; incomprehension; relative passivity in political activity accessible to general response. This coupled with a sharply divided attitude on the centre left to the monarchy that can be exploited to offer those who care what they would like, the abolition of the monarchy's role in government, at the cost of abandoning opposition to other constitutional vandalism.

We can hear it now. Should Charles be allowed to take over effectively or even formally as head of state? While this question is answered, temporarily the current regime must remain in place, possibly under a caretaker prime minister, until this crucial constitutional matter is resolved. It is not good for the country to have both Executive and Constitution in disarray. We should have a referendum, (non-binding of course), on whether or no the Head of State should be elected, (indirectly of course) by a reformed Parliament. During the caretaker interregnum a Commission will sit and when it has reported, then we will have the general election, under the new constitutional aegis. You can just hear them can't you, as the discussion piles into irrelevant bye ways and the 'caretaker' regime proceeds in its unscrutinised, unspeakable pursuits.

Yes, we hear of Conservative shadow ministers being briefed by civil servants. We hear of their, and their aides' attendance at advanced seminars on pensions at the LSE and, doubtless at SOAS and Chatham House for foreign affairs, being coached in the arcane problems of health care provision, frequenting the Institute of Education, and the run down former stately homes where conferences on government are held. But that is not enough, it's almost a reassurance that contributes to the festering. Nor is waiting for the end of these illicit years since 2007 to arrive naturally enough. These years are, from their inauguration, unnatural, and will not readily reach a natural end.

The Conservatives must push New Labour off its perch before the impropriety of their hold on power, so settled and steady informally now, is realised formally by whatever means or combination of means, adopted when their constitutional figleaf is removed next year.